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Вы здесь: Главная Издания Археологические вести Annotations of issues Археологические вести. Спб, 1993. Вып. 2. Аннотации.

Археологические вести. Спб, 1993. Вып. 2. Аннотации.




В.М. Массон. Археологическая Европа от Атлантики до Урала

V. M. Masson. Archaeological Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals

Archaeological sites and cultures left by different tribes and peoples are usually located in definite geographic areas defined mainly by natural conditions. At present these sites are studied by scientists from different countries whose borders do not always coincide with natural boundaries! As a result, the same sites are studied by different methods, reports on these studies are published in different languages. Besides, the quality of such studies often turns out rather different. This greatly complicates their historic interpretation as the latter requires full and reliable data. Political and psychological barriers which have divided Europe into two camps for a long time provoked these difficulties to no inconsiderable degree. Russian and European archaeologists have decided to combine their efforts to adequately use the data available on all the sites situated on both sides of this barrier invisible for ancient cultures. This is one of the main tasks... Besides, international conferences on particular problems and subjects have been proposed with the aim to establish new facts Eastern European and Central European sites provide for the study of the most important periods in the history of Europe. At least three most important periods can be pointed out in this connection. Such new archaeological facts are of particular significance for their study.

The first age is the Upper Palaeolithic when primitive population not only managed to withstand the ecological stress of the Ice Age but also won the battle against natural forces with great production and intellectual achievements. I mean the problems of the Gravettian as a bright cultural phenomenon of the 25th-23rd millennia B.C. It has at least three special features: flint industry based on the insert technique, long-term dwellings constructed with the wide use of mammoths' bones and tusks, and expressive ivory-carving, the figures of stout Palaeolithical matrons being wonderful examples of this art. The versions of this cultural complex are widely spread, including the so-called Pavlovien in Moravia with the final stage in Slovakia dating from the 23rd millennium B.C. It is a most striking fact that the same components are present at the sites in the middle of the Russian plain (Kostenki 1 and a number of other sites). These sites are spread on a vast territory and often referred to as the "Kostenki-Villendorf cultural unity". However, there is a number of cultural complexes of the same age but of quite a different character on the vast territory between Moravian-Slovakian Hills and the Middle Don basin. In fact, this "unity" represents separate "isle" in a great variety of Upper Palaeolithic sites. Communities with completely different cultural traditions coexist and sometimes follow each other even at Kostenki. The study of this phenomenon is of great importance for the history of Upper Palaeolithic Europe. It can account for the hampered processes of cultural integration in this ancient society and strong adherence to cultural traditions transferred over thousands of kilometres and carefully preserved when making contacts with the members of a different tribe. The situation here differs radically from the processes of cultural genesis in the Bronze Age, not to mention the period of civilizations which created standards adopted readily in the outlying districts.

The second problem which archaeological discoveries in Europe are connected with is "the Mycenaean civilization and European world". New discoveries extend the boundaries of the vast territory influenced by Mycenaean cultural standards. The culture Otoman' widely spread in Roumania, Hungary, Slovakia and the Western Ukraine is a brilliant example of such influence. It is characterized by the flourishing of metallurgy, including gold treatment, fortified centres and rich graves. The influence of Mycenaean civilization which was feit even in distant Denmark manifested itself in different types of arms, ornaments and patterns. During the recent decade a large number of graves of military nobility have been excavated in the steppe zone of the Southern Urals and between the Volga and the Don. The representatives of military nobility were buried with spears, two-wheeled chariots and carriage-horses. Mycenaean influence, spiral ornamental pattern in particular, shows up here as well, though not so brightly as in the complexes of Otoman'. It is significant that these phenomena in the steppe zone are connected not only with one archaeological unity usually referred to as an archaeological culture but with a number of cemeteries of the I7th-16th centuries B.C. belonging to different cultures. It was a kind of fashion in that period when military nobility both in Slovakia and the Volga region created elite sub-culture which adopted and widely used the most significant cultural standards of the European continent.

Finally, the third problem can be referred to as "Early Slavic tribes and the history of Medieval Europe". One of the most important events which determined the character of ethnic distribution in the Middle Ages was the spread of Slavic tribes in Central and Eastern Europe. Rapid advance in production, especially in farming, stimulated increase in population which was an important prerequisite for urbanization spreading over vast territories in the 8th-10th centuries. Local states began to arise in these regions for the first time in their history. The process of state formation proceeded under conditions of military-political confrontation with German tribes in the West and Steppe nomads in the East. There arose the Great Moravian principality, then Czechia, confederation of Obodrits, Kiev Rus and Poland at the time of Piasts. Archaeological material on this age in museum collections and depositories at different institutes is of special value at least in two respects. First, it is this material that allows us to show the development of the new type of ethnic distribution, the foundation of fortified centres fulfilling a number of urban functions and pointing to some economic innovations and demographic shift. Secondly, through analysis of this material makes it possible to reconstruct of processes of cultural genesis and ethnogenesis as a most complicated phenomenon. This is well illustrated by the example of the Dnieper region where Avarian -South Slavic and nomadic features are found in the complexes of the Pen'kovo type. Similar processes are also characteristic of the other parts of the territory inhabited by the Early Slavs. They can be reconstructed only by means of archaeology. Thus, the knowledge of this period in European history may also be obtained only on the basis of intensive sources independent of modern political borders. We hope that "Archaeological News" will favour the realization of this complex and very important work.




З.А. Абрамова, Г.В. Григорьева. Обработка бивня на палеолитическом поселении Юдиново

Z. A. Abramova. G. V. Grigorieva. Ivory artefacts from the Palaeolithic site Yudinovo

It is a well-known fact that the chronological age and cultural type of a palaeolithic site are mainly established on the basis of stone implements - these being the most frequent and well-preserved material. Also of special importance are the bone, antler and ivory artefacts such as tools, decorative pieces and works of art. Artefacts from the Palaeolithic site Yudinovo represent examples of the development of bone carving and the treatment of ivory in particular.

Yudinovo is situated on the right bank of the Sudost, the right tributary of the Desna which flows into the Dnieper. A large series of radiocarbon dates established by six laboratories in Russia and abroad, range from the present back over 14-15 thousand years. Faunal remains at Yudinovo consist mainly of mammoth and polar fox bones. Also present in smaller numbers are the bones of reindeer, musk-ox, horse, marmot and predators such as the bear and wolf.

Over a number of years the remains of at least four dwellings constructed from mammoth bones have been discovered. Inhabitants of this site achieved perfection in the treatment of ivory. This material possesses valuable technical properties when fresh such as firmness and elasticity. Evidence shows that width and especially length-wise cuts were made to mark out dart points. Different rods were carved with complicated geometric design. A specific feature of this site is the mass production of tiny beads from thin ivory plates. All stages of their manufacture are represented from the initial marking out of a blank ivory plate. One such piece of ivory had an inner surface scored into rectangles not only of the same size of the finished beads but also with their holes marked out. Ivory treatment of the Yudinovo enriches to a certain extent the general knowledge of Palaeolithic culture. Broad use of ivory and its perfected treatment considerably distinguish Yudinovo from contemporary madlenian sites in Western Europe where reindeer antler was used instead of ivory.


В.А. Галибин, В.И. Тимофеев. Новый подход к разработке проблемы выявления источников кремневого сырья для культур каменного века Восточной Прибалтики

V. A. Galibin, V. I. Timofeev. The new approach to the recognition of the sources of flint raw material for the Stone age cultures of the Eastern Baltic region

In a large part of Northern Europe and in particular in the Eastern Baltic region there are no local deposits of raw flint - the main material for tool manufacture in the Stone Age. Unfortunately, the systematization and classification of imported flint used in the Stone Age have not been formulated for the Eastern Baltic region. A number of observations, still insufficiently systematized, indicate the difference of sources of raw flint in different periods of the Stone Age. Studies suggest that the raw sources should be located in the southern regions of the forest zone of Eastern Europe. This article considers the results of the first objective study to verify the above hypothesis concerning the transportation of raw flint during the Middle Neolithic Period to the Eastern Baltic from the Upper Volga region which is rich in deposits (N. N. Gurina). This work is based on geochemical data from local flint deposits in the Upper Volga region. According to the results of the mass quantitative spectral analysis of these data and their statistical processing, specific geochemical features of concrete Upper Volga flint deposits have been identified (see - Selivanova 1984). This article gives the first results of comparison the of geochemical composition of the raw flint used for flint artifacts in the Neolithic period from sites in the Eastern Baltic region with the flint sources of the Upper Volga.

Most of the artefacts studied are connected with materials of the Comb-and-pit ware culture. The sites considered are situated in the region south of St.-Petersburg (see map) - Sjaberskaja I, II, Merevo II, in north-eastern Estonia-Narva-Rigikula II and in Eastern Lithuania - Jaimanis, the Mid-neolithic stage of the Narva culture contemporary with the typical Comb-and-pit ware culture. Geochemical studies demonstrate the difference in raw material origin. At all these sites the presence of flint from the Upper Volga region is established (probability 95%). There is a prevalence of flint from thick local deposits on the left tributary of the Upper Volga, Selizharovka in the Ostashkov district of the Tver region. The results are summarised in the accompanying table. These results indicate that flint from Sokolok, a Mesolithic site of the Kunda culture (in the region south of St.-Petersburg in the Luga district) is derived from the Upper Volga. This illustrates the transporation of flint from the Upper Volga to the Eastern Baltic during the Mesolithic period.


Д.А. Крайнов, Е.Л. Костылева, А.В. Уткин. Погребения и ритуальные комплексы на стоянке Сахтыш IIа

D. A. Krainov, E. L. Kostylieva, A. V. Utkin. Burials and ritual complexes at the site Sakhtysh-IIa

The article deals with the study of multi-layer site Sakhtysh Ha which is a part of the well-known complex of ancient settlements near Lake Sakhtysh (the Teikovsky district of the Ivanovo region). At the site 690 square metres, several thousand finds, 65 human burials and the remains of two "sanctuaries" have been excavated during six field-work seasons (1987-1992).

The burials studied make up two cemeteries. The first one - the Lialovsky cemetery - consists of 15 burials. All of them were excavated either in the subsoil or in grave-pits deepened 10-20 centimetres into the subsoil. Most of the burials are single, two burials are double. The skeletons are well preserved. The deceased persons lay in a stretched position on the back (9) and stomach (2), one of them - in a flexed position on the left side. The orientation was different: with the head south-east (11), south-west (3) and east (1). Most of the deceased persons were buried without grave goods, except four burials containing bone tools, a pendant made of an elk's incisor and a rough embryo-like clay figurine. The skeleton from burial 42 is dated according to С 6060±150 years to Present which corresponds to the earliest period of the Lialovskaya culture.

The Volosovsky cemetery included 50 burials (fig. 1). They were situated in a cultural layer. There were no burial pits proper, the dead were put on the ancient surface cleared of turf beforehand and then covered over with earth. The skeletons are badly preserved, their anatomical connexion is often disturbed: some skeletons are completely destroyed - only separate bones have remained. 48 burials were single, two burials-double (in layers). In all the cases the skeletons lay in a stretched position on the back, with the head south-west (48), north-west (1) and north (1). Most of the burials were situated in rows suggesting chronological stages of the development of the Volosovsky cemetery. The early group of burials was situated in the southern part of the excavation (the eastern and coastal rows). A great number of amber ornaments is characteristic of these burials. Four skeletons have been dated according to C. Three of them (NN 1, 2, 10) have turned out to be of the same age - 4540±160 years to Present.

The age of the fifth burial is 4800 ±200 years to Present.

The late burials concentrated in the centre and in the northern half of the excavation. Most of them contained no grave goods, some of the burials - pendants made of animals' teeth (mainly of bear's ones), more rarely - of shale and bone. Amber articles were found in four burials, one example in each burial.

The early Volosovsky burials are of the same age as the first ritual pit - "sanctuary" - excavated in the central part of the cemetery. The pit was dug out inside a construction imitating a Volosovsky dwelling and built on the surface. The pit had a rectangular form (170x40 centimetres), was deepened 80 centimetres into the subsoil and oriented along the long axis from the south-south-west to the north-north-east (fig. 2). Separate bones of animals and fragments of a Volosovsky vessel were found inside the pit. Under them there was a horn mask (fig. 3) representing the life-size image of a human face made with great care. In our opinion, the first "sanctuary" was associated with the cult of ancestors. The mask must have been used by shamans during funerals. The charcoal from the filling of the pit, which points to the time when the "sanctuary" ceased functioning is dated according to 14С 4430±250 years to Present and the charcoal taken directly from the pit - 4790±180 years to Present.

The second "sanctuary" was found in the northern part of the excavation. It was also a pit, though having a different form, and was connected with the cult of ancestors and funeral rites. According to its stratigraphy the "sanctuary" is of the same age as the late, group of the Volosovsky cemetery. The study of the site Sakhtysh Ha sufficiently enriches our knowledge of the Neo-Eneolithic of Central Russia and once again suggest the great significance of the Sakhtysh complex of ancient settlements for the study of this region and the neighbouring territories in the New Stone Age.


Г.Н. Курочкин. Раскопки скифского "царского" кургана на юге Сибири

G. N. Kurochkin. The excavation of a scythian tsar's barrow in Southern Siberia

In 1984 during the Middle Yenisei expedition the Large Novoselovsky barrow containing a great number of golden ornaments was studied. The site is situated 220 kilometres south of the town Krasnoyarsk. The grave-mound (4, 5 metres high) represented the remains of a large three-stepped pyramid of turf. The lower step of the pyramid - mausoleum is faced with brickwork, this is a wall measuring 35 x 35 metres and 1, 7 metres high (fig. 1).

A large grave-pit measuring 6x6x3 metres was uncovered under the grave-mound. The burial-chamber had a complex design: the walls were reinforced with trimmed beams set vertically, then a floor and a timber-chamber were built (fig. 4). The grave is covered with three rows of thick beams, above them there are several rows of birch bark, thick felt, a grating consisting of thin poles, again birch bark and branches of trees (fig. 3). Interment was carried out through a special entrance.

Separate bones of 4 deceased persons were found on the floor of the burial-chamber (fig. 5). The grave had been robbed at least twice. However, about three hundred golden ornaments and their fragments remained on the floor and in the grave filling by a lucky chance. Most of these articles are situated along the walls of the grave-pit, some - in the pit filling, especially by its western wall, immediately in front of the entrance, and some - in the very entrance. There are some traces of red paint on the right side of flat boards of the timber-chamber. The original decoration of the chamber was very rich; the fact that the ornaments which have remained are greatly deformed and the ornaments of different types are concentrated by the western wall of the chamber, close to the earliest hole used by the robbers, suggests that the latter used to pull out pieces of half-rotten cloth with ornaments fastened to it from under the timber-chamber collapsed and covered with earth and then take those pieces of cloth out through the hole in the chamber wall.

But for a small amount of beads, all the golden articles from the Large Novoselovsky barrow are made of thin golden sheeting. Relief geometric ornaments are represented by "buttons" and "commas". Of all the flat geometric ornaments toothed stripes and flamelike ornaments are the simplest. The barrow also contains various open-worked laps which are very characteristic of rich Altai barrows of the Scythian period (fig. 7). Animal images are mainly represented by relief golden plates. Five plates in the form of a he-goat were found next to a bronze mirror and must have decorated a cover in which the mirror was kept. Besides, the barrow contained plates bearing the images of walking feline predators, which is characteristic of the art of the Saka and Sauromatian tribes of the 6th — 5th centuries B.C. (fig. 6).

Some finds were excavated in the entrance, such as an openworked lap in the shape of a deer, which had been broken by the robbers. The entrance filling contained two unique plates. They resemble well-known Hunnish clasps. However, the latter usually bore the scenes of fight between animals - the subject not characteristic of the art of the South Siberian Scythians. A fantastic character is represented on the plates from the Novoselovsky barrow. It consists of three parts: a feline predator's body, a he-goat's head and heads of birds of prey around the goat's muzzle and horns.

The entrance also contained an iron knife wrapped up in gold foil together with the blade.

A small bronze vessel with large horizontal handles was found in the corner of the grave (fig. 8). There are traces of a lost ring-base on the outer side of the bottom. The walls show some traces of repair-"patches". This vessel must have been used for a long time before it was put into the grave with its last owner. Comparable with the vessel considered is a bronze pot with the remains of charred hemp from the second Pazyryk barrow in the Altai. Similar ritual vessels are also known in the Pamirs in Kazakhstan, the South Urals. They usually date from the 5th — 3rd centuries B.C.

Fragments of two clay vessels in the form of small kettles with handles were excavated on the floor of the burial chamber.

By the fence of the barrow, on the ancient surface a young woman with her hands tied in carpi was sacrificed and buried (fig. 2).

The barrow's age is established according to its parallels in Central Asia, Kazakhstan, and, especially, in rich Altai barrows of the Scythian period. In keeping with these parallels the barrow can be dated the 4th - the beginning of the 3rd centuries B.C. (the Tagar culture).


Д.Г. Савинов. Таштыкский склеп Степновка II на юге Хакассии

D. G. Savinov. The Tashtyk funeral chamber Stepnovka-II in South Khakassia

The Tashtyk Culture is one of the most significant cultures of South Siberia in the first millenium A.D. According to the 1986 data 55 funeral chambers of the Tashtyk Culture have been excavated. The material they contained has been published incompletely. A funeral chamber at the cemetery of Stepnovka-II in the south of the Minusinsk Hollow (the Khakass Republic) was one of those excavated; it was studied in 1985. This study presents three plans of the funeral chamber: from the ancient ground surface (fig. 1, a), the filling of the grave pit (fig. l. b) and the bottom of the burial chamber (fig. 1, c). The funeral chamber consisted of an entrance part and a burial chamber. At the entrance which was rectangular in shape a stone slab was installed. Two clay pots were buried under it; scattered/disarticulated bones of an infant (under 1) were excavated in a small pit not far from the entrance. The entrance consists of a staircase with wide steps reinforced with wooden poles on both sides. At the foot of the stairs the entrance was partitioned by horizon tally-positioned wooden blocks. In the burial chamber a log hut was built, and in the middle of it at the bottom of the grave pit there was a special burial platform. After the funeral the burial chamber was set on fire and all wooden parts of the construction burnt down, part of the roof having come down. In all, the funeral chamber contained the remains of 11 cremation burials: 7 burials on the platform and 4 in the north-eastern part of the log hut. In the north-eastern corner of the log hut under its wall human bones and a clay pot were found in a small pit on a stone plate. The funeral chamber was plundered in ancient times. However, most of the grave goods have remained in place. Round the platform there were goods intended for all the deceased persons: ornamented clay pots of various shapes (fig. 3); decorated bronze beltfittings of elaborate style (fig. 4, 1); amulets in the form of a horsehead (fig. 4, 2); etc. Of particular interest is the first (in the Tashtyk Culture) finding of a clay mask with the image of a girl's face (fig. 5). Two pits filled with the remains of disarticulated human skeletons were found beside the entrance to the funeral chamber and in the corners of the log hut (4 skeletons in the one pit; 3 - in the other). One of the pits contained ribs of a horse, the other - astragali of neat and small cattle. These are most likely to have been sacrifices made during the construction of the funeral chamber (fig. 2). These are the first finds of such sacrifices in the burials of this period; they point to complex social relations among the population of the Tashtyk Culture. The structural features of the funeral chamber at Stepnovka-II represent a result of the evolution and simplification of some traditions known before and can be typologically considered as one of the latest of the Tashtyk funeral chambers. According to its grave goods the funeral chamber belongs to the Tepsej stage of the Tashtyk Culture (3rd — 5th century A.D., most likely, to the end of this stage and even a later period. This is supported by numerous similarities between the developed Tashtyk Culture and the Silla Culture in Korea (5th — 6th century A.D.). We refer here to saddles, decorated belts, bits, images of riders with a pot. If the oriental orientation of Tashtyk cultural genesis and the insufficient study of archaeological sites in intervening territories are considered, the above-mentioned parallels between the materials of the two cultures - the Tashtyk and the Silla Cultures - are quite valid (fig. 6). The Stepnovka-II funeral chamber can be dated to the same time (5th — 6th century A.D.). It is apparent that the sites of this period which have already been excavated and will be further studied should be recognized as belonging to a special stage of the Tashtyk Culture following the Tepsej stage. These sites are typical of the Tashtyk Culture at the early period of the formation of the Yenisei Kirghiz state.


А.В. Давыдова, С.С. Миняев. Новые находки наборных поясов в Дырестуйском могильнике

A. V. Davydova, S. S. Miniaev. New finds of decorated belts from the Direstujskij cemetery

This article deals with the recent finds of decorated belts from the Direstujskij cemetery (the Dzhidinskij region of the Buryat Republic). The cemetery is situated on the left bank of the Dzhida (the left tributary of the Selenga). It is of Hunnish origin. The grave goods in more than 100 burials so far excavated included several decorated belts. One of them has already been published (Davydova, Miniaev 1988). In the present article new finds of decorated belts are published.

The graves which contained decorated belts (№ 40, 49, 51, 52, 80, 99, 100) are of the same type. They consist of grave pits with no structure above ground. The decorated belt-fittings were situated either on the pelvic bones or along the femurs of the skeleton. Out of 7 graves with decorated belts, 2 contained adult men (№ 99 - fig. 5); № 100 - fig. 6), 3 young women (№ 40 - fig. 1, № 49 - fig. 2, 3; № 52 - fig. 4) and in the other 2 graves 5-6-year-old children were buried (№ 51 - fig. 4: 22; № 80 - fig. 4: 23). The qualitative and quantitative composition of the decorated belts shows some correlation with the sex and the age of the deceased persons. In the children's and women's graves dozens of beads and buckles made of stone occurred; in the men's graves iron and bronze items including rare pieces of high quality bronze are prevalent in belt-fitting. Moreover, the location of the graves with belts in the cemetery area (which are systematically arranged in groups including the main and the accompanying burials) allows us to establish the social status of the deceased in each group and thus once more emphasize correlation between the composition of decorated belts and the status of the deceased person in society. This was also the case with the materials from the Ivolginskij cemetery (Davydova 1982).

The main parts of the belts are placed symmetrically. The centre of the whole composition is the largest and the most significant item (a bronze buckle in grave 100; two shale buckles in grave 52; a large bead in grave 40, etc.). Other items (rings, pendants, hand-bells, spoon-shaped buckles) are placed to the right and to the left of the centre. Beads, cowries and other small decorations were sewn into belts. They may have formed ornamental, motifs on a leather background. In the women's graves the belt does not lie in the place where it should be. In grave 52 it is displaced to the knees (fig. 4: 1), in grave 49 it is put on the left leg (fig. 2: 1). At present there are no data available for the interpretation of this fact.

Rare pieces of Hunnish art have been found in all the burials considered: belt plates - buckles made of bronze and stone engraved images of an animal head, beads and pendants made of stone.


В.А. Галибин. Находки индийских стеклянных бус в погребениях Сибири и Средней Азии

V. A. Galibin. Ancient Indian glass beads in burials of Siberia and Middle Asia

Ancient glass contains a great amount of analytical information which can be used to establish the time and place of its manufacture.

Ancient Indian glass-making has some specific features enabling scientists to distinguish its articles from glass articles originating from other centres of glass-making. The same features of Indian glass composition make it possible to distinguish it among glass finds at sites outside India.

Unlike the Egyptian and Roman centres of glass production, Indian glass-making is limited as regards the time and scale of production, the nomenclature of articles, and the use of technological methods. Therefore, beads from the Near East and the Mediterranean are most numerous among glass rinds from the sites of India itself. Nevertheless, Indian beads were exported to neighbouring regions where local glass-making was not developed. The Silk Road intensified Indian beads export northwards and eastwards.

The period of the existence of ancient Indian glass-making makes up nearly 1000 years: the 5th century B.C. - the 5th century A.D.

The famous researcher of ancient glass Robert Brill recognizes two types of Indian glass according to its composition:

1. Glass having unusually high aluminium content (4% AI2O3) and relatively low lime content (4,5% CaO). Pulverised obsidian might have served well as quartz sand. Natural soda must have been used as a glass-forming agent (Brill 1987: 2-5).

2. Most interesting for us is the second type of Indian glass having potassium content (10-20% K2O) and low calcium content. Its chemical formula is Si-K-(Ca) (Galibin 1985: 17).

The question arises as to the source of potassium in the. glass of the second type. Two versions are possible here.

First, potash is used as an alkaline component. Secondly, plant ash of the torrid zone is used as a glass - forming agent. We are inclined to belive that the second version is correct, though it requires verification by the analysis of plant ash samples from the torrid zone.

Glass of the Si-K-(Ca) type was first found among the beads from the Beresh cemetery (Beresh, the Krasnoyarsk Territory) (Table I). I have made a series of tests of this type of beads from many sites in East Siberia. In most cases there were violet beads, in two cases hexahedral flat beads of different color were found. The results of some tests are presented in Table I. Over 2000 examples of violet beads were excavated in one of the interments of the Derestouysky cemetery. Table I presents the results of the test of beads having the same chemical type from Indian sites (№№ 13-17). Three analyses have been taken from the article "Examination of some ancient Indian glass" written by Lai (Lai 1952); the other two - from the paper read by Brill at the 14th International Congress on Glass (The 14th International Congress on Glass. 1986, New Delhi). Brill believes that "the glass of these features, in particular, could provide men for identifying glasses made in India" (Brill 1987: 2).

Violet beads of the same composition have been also found in the cemeteries Pasyryk in the Altai and Tashravat in Uzbekistan.

Of special interest are the results of the analyses of bracelets from Vietnam, which composition fully corresponds to the second chemical type. The fact suggests a common source of raw materials. However, it is not inconceivable that they were made at a workshop somewhere in Indo-China, though they are most likely to have been brought to Vietnam by sea from India.


Ю.А. Виноградов. Новые данные о южноаравийском порте Кана (I-VI вв. н.э.)

Yu. A. Vinogradov. New facts about the South-Arabian port of Qana during the 1st-6th centuries A.D.

The port of Qana, being a part of Hadramaut, was an important point on sea routes between the Mediterranean sea and India, on the one hand, and on the transarabian incense route, on the other hand. The excavations of the Soviet-Yemen expedition which have been carried on since 1985 have shown that the port functioned in the 1st-6th centuries A.D. The cultural layer is divided into three strata. Each of them covers about two centuries: 1-2, 3-4, 5-6 centuries.

One of the latest constructions (5th — 6th centuries) in the north-eastern part of the site close to the port was studied in detail in 1988. It is a building about 95 sq. m. consisting of six rooms (fig. 1). Room I must have served as a kitchen, room IV - as a pantry. Room VI contained a hoard (fig. 2) consisting of adornments (two strings of beads, several pins, etc. ) and cosmetic accessories (three caskets, and ivory bottle, a glass vessel, etc. ). The hoard must have been buried at a moment of danger during the final stage of the port's existence (the beginning of the 7th century). Fragments of amphora were the most numerous pieces of pottery (55%) excavated in the ruins of the building. Most of them belong to a vessel which must have been manufactured in Northern Africa (fig. 3: l). A small number of amphora are of Palestinian origin - from Gaza (fig. 3: 2), etc. Vessels with a rounded body without handles and with a leg in the form of a truncated cone (fig. 3: 3-5) are of the same origin. Other ceramics are of quite a different origin. Handmade earthenware (fig. 3: 8-10) has good analogies in Eastern Africa (Ethiopia). On the basis of these finds we can assume that people from Ethiopia lived in Qana, especially during the late stage of its history. The ceramics of local South Arabian manufacture are comparatively rare (fig. 3: 11, 12). There are very few other local materials among the finds. Thus, it can be assumed that cultures co-existed in Hadramaunt - a traditional culture of the inner regions and a coastal culture where these traditions are expressed rather weakly.


В.А. Горончаровский. Золотой медальон III в. н.э. из раскопок Илурата

V. A. Goroncharovsky. Golden medallion of the 3rd century A.D. from the excavations of Iluraton

The article gives a detailed description of a golden medallion from the recent excavations in Iluraton, a Bosporan fortress of the 1st-3rd centuries A.D. (the Eastern Crimea, 18 km. south-west of Kerch). It was found in the destruction layer of a house which like the whole fortress ceased to exist in the third quarter of the 3rd century A.D. This ornament is likely to have been connected with a small home sanctuary as a fragment of a solid terracotta bust of a goddess was found next to it. Its total high, judging from the parallels, amounted to 0,28 m.

The medallion itself is a plate 2,85 centimetres in diameter, with a schematic bust representation of a goddess whose hair, arranged in large curls round the head, falls into her shoulders. Her headdress takes the form of a cylinder with five vertical projections. Above the shoulders there are two six-ray rosettes which symbolize stars suggesting the heavenly nature of this deity.

The author discusses an electrum and a golden medallion of the same size and the same technique of manufacture. These pieces also come from the Bosporos area (the settlement of Novo-Otradnoie, 30 km. from Kerch and casual find in the Near Kuban region) and are most likely to be products of one of the Panticapeum workshops. The images on the medallions originate from and are influenced by sculptural representations of Aphrodite Urania whose cult had assumed national dimensions in Bosporus since the end of the 2nd century A.D. By that time there was a temple of Aphrodite in Panticapeum - a five-columned building of the Ionic order. It is portrayed on the relief of a gravestone stele bearing a libation scene. It is notable that in the present case the tympanum of the pediment was decorated with a bust of a goddess with loose hair in a tower crown with vertical projections on the right-hand side. It is not inconceivable that it is this bust that became the prototype of the Iluraton medallion which, in precisely the same way as other articles of this kind, must have played some kind of role in Aphrodite Urania rites. It was worn only on such occasions. It is significant that all the medallions are made of gold - a magic "heavenly" ("divine") metal according to the ideas of a number of Iranian peoples. These ideas must have been widespread in Bosporus. Thus we have discussed the four terracottas found in Iluraton which must represent the same Aphrodite Urania. Here she was above all revered as the goddess of fertility in the animal kingdom and the vegetable world.


В. Рудольф. Большая пектораль из Толстой могилы: работа "чертомлыцкого мастера" и его школы

W. Rudolph. The Great Pectoral from the Tolstaja Mogila (a work of the Certomlyk Master and his studio

In 1971 excavations in a kurgan named "Tolstaja Mogila" in the city of Ordzonikidzhe in the southern Ukraine discovered a golden pectoral in the underground grave of a warrior, dating to Ca, 300 B.C.

In the course of the analysis it became possible to show that one goldsmith and his studio were responsible for the creation of a number of well-known pieces. It is then for the largest of these royal tombs, the Certomlyk-kurgan, only some twenty miles away from Ordzonikidze, where an equally well known, huge silver-gilamphora was found, that the anonymous goldsmith has been named the Certomlyk-Master.

The pectoral from Tolstaja Mogila has three friezes, which have been labelled A, B, C from top to bottom. To complete assemblage consist of more than one hundred sixty principal elements which were necessary to construct the pectoral, not counting the assorted decorative wires. A short survey of ins parts gives some idea of the enormous complexity of planning and production process: two lionhead-finials, four box-settings, thirty two short lengths of loop-in-loop chain, two large hinges, two trapezoidal box-settings, four twisted hollow hoops (labelled A-D from top to bottom}, one sheet of gold, cut in a lunula shape, one double-T strip, fifty cast figures of humans, animals and two gorytoi, typical Scythian bow and arrow containers. In addition, at least forty four floral elements for frieze В were cast, coupled with more than twenty - an undetermined number is missing now - of cut-out flowers, most of them double-tiered.

Almost all of these parts in turn required several parts first and often complex preliminary production steps.

For figure casting the Certomlyk Master used an open mold. The figures, however, are modelled in a rather high relief, appearing almost three dimensional.

The techniques used were rather straightforward but extremely effective, and included sheet-gold cutting, mold making, casting and extensive cold working, production of varying wires, such as plain, beaded, or spiral twisted. Stamping has been used for the tongue pattern on the frontal side of the double-T bar on torque 4, and glass-inlay occurs on the flower leaves.

In each of the three interstices between the box-mounted torques a frieze was placed. The top (A) and the bottom (C) one carry figurative scenes, while the middle one (B) displays an exuberant growth of greenery in whose center five doves are perched in the thicket. Frieze В refrains from telling a story and thus remains neutral. Thus is serves as a mediator between the upper and lower ones, between the depiction of growth and destruction. In frieze A the peaceful togetherness of suckling mother animals and four human figures between them is the domineering theme. By contrast, fierce fighting prevails in frieze С as animals of all sizes and mythic griffins battle each other, the stronger ones reaping relentless havoc and death upon the weaker ones.

All of the nearly fifty cast figures are remarkable for their exquisite execution, miniature sculptures of such nuances and details are very rare indeed in the history of goldsmithing. In the central scene, for example, the keen observation of the two chieftains faces renders them as individual portraits. The left prince, in addition, wears a head-band, a highly unusual insignia among Scythians and certainly a status symbol. Similar observations hold true for the other two young milkers, who both are very distinct.

Like with humans, the treatment of the animals reveals the artist's intimate knowledge of certain species in their often hostile coexistence, as is demonstrated in the almost personal, snapshot-like characterization of each animal. Such is the case with the wild boar or the hapless stag. The latter is just being brought down by a panther and a lion. The minutiae of the stag's pelt and antlers include a strip of skin dangling from the antlers over its forehead. This constitutes a shred of the fine epidermis which covers the regrowing antler during the yearly regrowth. Thus, this deadly fight takes place in spring or early summer. There again, the nuances sketching the slight age differential between the calf on the right and the one on the left. This is genre at its best, based on keen observations of everyday details.

The Certomlyk Master, instilled a special atmosphere through the intimate interaction of the two kneeling men sharing in the sewing a sheep-fleece garment, a sweat absorbing undershirt to be wont under metal armor.

To compose the pectoral, the Certomlyk Master had to overcome the quandary of the inexorably diminishing size of the figures from the center to the narrow corners, made even more difficult by the necessity to space them convincingly on a circle. To solve this problem satisfactorily the pectoral was carefully laid out and planned using frieze В as the center. The floral scrolls are placed in intervals relating to the center of a circle, placed on the middle axis of the pectoral. On axes radiating from the circle's center the cores of the vine-scrolls in frieze В are placed precise interstices determined by a saries of angles diminishing from the center towards the sides. The following diagram gives the sequence for one half of the pectoral, the other is identical. The vine-tendrils are labelled A-K.

Beginning from the center with a 24° angle, the angles diminish by 2° degree each step down to 6° degrees. The whole system is based on a sequence of 12° or fractions there, since adding together the degrees, at opposite ends and moving inward, (A + K, B + I etc. ) the sum of these two angles always equals 30° — 2,5 x 12,30° in turn are one twelfth of a full 360° circle. The decorated section in itself also relies on a duodecimal system. Each half measures 150°, for a total 300°. From these, however, has to be subtracted one unit of 12 degrees, since it has been counted twice in the center, once for either side. This leaves 288° which is the sum of 2 x 144 = 2 x 12 x 12. This system explains at least in part the manner in which the Certomlyk-Master approached the planning of the pectoral. There seem to be other regular numerical relationships between portions of the pectoral, which remain yet to be clarified in more detail. But it is already clear, that this precision and sophistication of planning is a phenomenon, which occurs also in other works of the studio.

This anonymous goldsmith of the early Hellenistic period brought to the established art of Scythia a distinct vision, manifest especially in his emphasis on a naturalistic portrayal of humans and animals.

Stylistic, iconographical and technical attributes establish a common origin within a group of gifted craftsmen, led by one outstanding master.

One hallmark of the gold objects of all the studio is the miniature sculpture. Most striking is the exact observations of nature, coupled with a highly developed sense of composition and rhythm. To this contributes the use of ornament and colored glass inlays to emphasize surface patterns. The Certomlyk Master's personal style emerges most clearly in the sculptures, but also in the lively, relatively natural rendition of the floral frieze B. Other, slightly differing styles manifest further hands within the studio.

Thus it appears that the ornaments on the body of the silver amphora from Certomlyk (№ 2 bellow), while following the general stylistic framework of the studio, were designed and executed by another hand, namely by an artist who preferred a slightly more classicizing rendition of ornament. Similarly, the same holds true for the small pectoral from the Bolschaja Blisnitza (№ 5 bellow), whose animals were formed by a sculptor distinct from the Certomlyk Master. The use of such varying styles had two apparent reasons. One is that during the end of the fourth century a certain eclecticism prevailed already throughout Greek art, the second is that the influence of those who commissioned the jewelry could well have dictated some of the choices of stylistic expression. The working period of the studio spans the time from ca. 350/340 B.C. to ca 300/290, leaving the possibility open that, in fact, the oeuvre represents more than one generation of goldsmiths, among whom the Certomlyk Master was the most outstanding and independent.

The most important objects identified are:

1. Pectoral from the Tolstaja Mogila, Ordzonikidze, gold, enamel (Scythian Art, figs. 118-121): Men, Animals, and Griffins represented in two sculptured friezes, plus one floral frieze with birds. (С Certomlyk-Master).
2. Amphora from the Certomlyk Kurgan, gilded silver, (Scythian Art, figs. 265-268) Men and horses represented in one sculptured frieze, body with floral with birds, animal and griffin fights on shoulder, three plastic spouts on lower body. (Certomlyk-Master and Studio).
3. Torque from Kul Oba kurgan, gold, enamel (Scythian Art, figs. 126-127) Two Scythian riders on horses protomai, (front halves only). (Certomlyk Master).
4. Comb from the Solocha Kurgan, gold (Scythian Art, figs. 128-129). Three Scythians fighting, one mounted, two on foot (Certomlyk Master).
5. Pectoral from the Bolschaja Blisnitza kurgan, tomb of the 3rd lady, gold, enamel (Scythian Art, figs. 255-256). Young animals. (Certomlyk Studio).
6. Pair of bracelets from Bolschaja Blisnitza, bronze, gold foil, enamel (Scythian Art, fig. 234). Two suckling lionesses jumping. (Certomlyk Master and Studio).

Based upon the technique of decoration and the doings used, the following three whetstones are also to be considered as stemming from this workshop:

7. Whetstone from Talajev kurgan (Simferopol), gold, (Scythian Art, fig. 175) (Certomlyk Studio).
8. Whetstone from Kul Oba kurgan, gold (Scythian Art, fig. 175). (Certomlyk Studio).
9. Whetstone from Malaja Blisnitza (Kuban), gold (Scythian Art, fig. 177). (Certomlyk Studio).


Б.И. Маршак, В.И. Распопова, В.Г. Шкода. Новые исследования согдийской культуры в Пенджикенте

B. I. Marshak, V. I. Raspopova, V. G. Shkoda. New investigations of the Sogdian Culture in Penjikent (Tadjikistan)

Monuments investigated during the last seasons of these excavations include a palace dating from the 6th century in the northern part of the stronghold of Pendjikent, a settlement of the 6th — 9th centuries in the west of the former site and a haus to the south as well as temples, dwellings and walls of the city.

Excavated within the palace was a room containing a chimney-like fire altar. The walls of the room were decorated with ornaments in the form of tulips and poppies. Only one wall in this room was painted with a hunting scene with a horseman (Fig. 1). This wall separated the room from the entrance hall and was built to the height of a man.

In the eastern part of temple 2 a porch constructed of 12 columns was excavated. This was served as the entrance to the temple yard from the street (Fig. 2). Within the porch a clay statue of Nana seated at a recumbent lion created during the late 7th century/early 8th century was found. Preserved within the demolished layer was a large amount of this 4 m high statue including its paws. Below its belly was found a fragment of wall painting with an equestrian hunting scene (Fig. 3).

Situated to the south of the portico was a hall and located in a niche opposite the entrance to it was a clay sculpture of a group of Uma-Mahesvara (Fig. 6). Originally a passage existed from the hall along the corridor to the temple yard outside but then it was blocked in the 8th century when the statue was created. This may have led to the separation of a special saiva shrine from the main territory of temple 2.

To the north of the porch and leading off from the yard was another shrine consisting of a hall and corridor (Fig. 4). Two layers of white ground with a monochrome outlines were found in the hall on the lower layer of clay plaster (6th century) on the wall opposite the entrance. The subject of both paintings is Nana on the recumbent lion (Fig. 5). By her sides are a man and a woman with votive offerings. A later scene here shows a god seated on an oval carpet and armed with a sword. The decor was renovated once more at the beginning of the 8th century. During this time a clay statue of Nana and the lion was placed in a new niche flanked on both sides by paintings. One scene on the right depicts a standing god with a defeated demon at his feet. On the left of the niche the scene shows a man or god with a horse and what is probably a wounded demon falling.


А.Б. Никитин. Парфянские надписи на буллах из Старой Нисы

A. B. Nikitin. Parthian inscriptions on bulls from Old Nisa

In 1950-1951-s clay bullae with the impressions of Parthian seals were found as a result of the excavations of the "square building" at the site Old Nisa near Ashkhabad. Many of them remained only in fragments. Some of the bullae had up to seven impressions. The bullae from Old Nisa were published in 1954, almost all the impressions reproduced in drawings. Many impressions include Parthian inscriptions besides images. Their interpretation was suggested by M. M. Dyakonov (Dyakonov 1954), Ja. Harmatta (Harmatta 1964) and V. A. Livshits (Livshits 1980).

In 1992 I acquainted myself with the collection of the bullae from Old Nisa. The reproductions of some inscriptions in the drawings published have turned out quite correct. I tried to make the reading of some inscriptions more exact,

The seals by means of which the impressions were made date from the 1st century B.C. - the beginning of the 1st century A.D.


В.Ф. Столба. Несколько личных имен в греческих керамических надписях из Херсонеса

V. V. Stolba. Some personal names in Greek ceramic inscriptions from Chersonesos

The article deals with a number of personal names found in the Chersonesos graffiti of the 2nd half of the 4th to the 1st half of the 3rd century B.C. and traditionally interpreted as "local barbarian" in Soviet literature. Two of the inscriptions considered, from the recent excavations at Panskoje I (agrarian zone of Chersonesos, The North-Western Crimea) have not been previously published (fig. 1). It has been shown that all the names analysed may rightfully be attributed to Greek Namengut.

The first of them (1) (known from graffiti in Panskoje I) should be considered as a derivative of a well verified Greek name. The second name (2) is represented well in Chersonesos both in ceramic and lapidary inscriptions of the 4th — 3rd centuries B.C. Though this form has not found outside the Western Crimea it can be referred to as a usual Greek hypocoristica, where the second element of a composite is contracted to one sound, plus suffix. Among possible words corresponding to this name, may be named among Vollnamen. The latter is registred in Chersonesos by the 3rd century B.C.

The (3) corresponds to the name of the owner of a vessel in graffiti dating from the 2nd half of the 4th century. The author considers it as corresponding to the lakedaimonian Spitzname; with the alternation of plosive (Thuc. IV. 8, 9; 10. V, 1, 8-9) which is proposed to be interpreted as a "glutton, beggar, tramp, toady, pig" taking the ancient tradition and the latest ethymology of the initial appellative into account (van Windekens 1986: 157).

The last of the names considered (4) has been recorded four times for the Chersonesos of the 4th — 3rd centuries B.C. Outside the polis it is found seldom. It must go back to the Festname (from the theonym).

The (4) found on a Chersonesos gravestone of the late 4th — early 3rd centuries B.C. allows us to suppose that the cult and festivities of Kotyto were spread in Chersonesos of Taurida.


В.Л. Янин. Новгородские берестяные грамоты Михаило-Архангельского раскопа

V. L. Yanin. Novgorodian birch-bark documents from the site of St. Michael the Archangel (1990)

In 1990 five birch-bark, documents dated from the 12th — 13th centuries were found in uncertain stratigraphic conditions during excavations in Novgorod near the contemporary street known as "Prussian street" at the site of St. Michael the Archangel. The site was directed by B. D. Ershevsky. The analysis of the contents of some of these texts allowed us to date them more accurately.

Birch-bark document N 718 contains a record of the money and the payment collected levied as state tax from the territory of Gorodetsk: 30 "bezhetsk grivnas" and 40 grivnas of "chernye kuny" as well as 3 "berkovsks"(l berkovsk = 10 pouds) of honey, 3 heifers and 2 grivnas of gift were all collected in favour of the state (i.e. the prince); a certain sum of grivnas (the place in the text where their number was indicated is fragmentary), 2 halves - of a carcass, a pot of butter, a sledge, two horse-blankets, two sacks, and two lengths of coarse fabric in favour of the tax collectors.

As the collectors of tribute and tax received a certain percent of the whole sum in their favour (the rate is known from the Russian Pravda) it is possible to restore the fragmented text: "16,5 grivnas".. However, according to the supplement to the Decree of Prince Sviatoslav Olegovich concerning the amount of church tithes, the annual tribute from Gorodetsk (Bezhetsk) made up 21 grivnas 16 kuns. The sum indicated in birch-bark document № 718 is four times this rate. This fact allows us to state that the birch-bark document contains information on the tax for 4 years. This took place only in 1229, hence the year of drawing up the document.

At the same stratigraphic level the birch-bark document № 715 was found which contains the text of a charm for fever: "Angels and archangels! Save Mikhey, a servant of God, from fever by the Virgin's prayers". Up to now such charms have been known only from ethnographic folklore records.

The same level contained badly fragmented birch-bark document № 719 addressed to a posadnik (governor) whose name has not remained. However, the social character of the addressee itself enables us to consider the whole complex as belonging to a boyar's family.

The other two birch-bark documents were excavated at an earlier level and are dated from the second half of the 12th century. The birch-bark document № 724 is one of the most significant from the point of view both of the length of the text and the contents of the documents on the birch-bark. It is covered with writing on both side (13 lines on the one side, 4 lines - on the other side). The document contains information on a conflict which took place during the collection of tribute in the North (polar foxes inhabiting the continental tundra are mentioned as the object of tribute). The author of the message, Sava, reports to Novgorod that the payers refused to give him the collected values referring to the order of Zakharija and gave these values to Andrei's servants. The characters of the birch-bark document are identified with posadnik Zakharij (he was killed in 1167 having been in alliance with Suzdal prince Andrei Bogoliubsky) and prince Andrei Bogoliubsky was killed in 1174. It is well known that Russian princes headed by Andrei Bogoliubsky organized a campaign against Novgorod after the conflict between Suzdal and Novgorod because of northern tributes. The birch-bark document if therefore evidence of one of the events resulting in this campaign which the Novgorodians won. They were headed by the boyars of Prussian street (it is they who are addressed to in this document) in the battle of 1170 which resulted in this victory.

Birch-bark document № 723 was founded in a layer of the 1170's to 1190's. Its historical significance resides in the fact that Kuchkov is mentioned in the text. Such was the original name of Moscow which had previously only been known from the Ipatiev chronicle in the edition of the 15th century.


А.Н. Кирпичников, В.П. Коваленко. Орнаментированные и подписные клинки сабель раннего средневековья (по находкам в России, на Украине и в Татарстане)

A. N. Kirpichnikov, V. P. Kovalenko. Ornamented and inscribed blades of early medieval sabres

A nomad's grave of еру later part of the 12th - early half of the 13th century has been found near the town of Nezhin in the Chernigov region of the Ukraine. Among other arms it contained a sabre. Clearing of this blade has revealed a unique tradesman's mark and the apparent remains of an Arabic inscription with an ornamental border (fig. 1-3). Two other sabres of a similar date have been excavated near the village of Imenkovo in the former Kazan province. These also bear apparent Arabic and Armenian script on their blades (fig. 4-5). These, together with several earlier known finds, provide evidence for the manufacture of ornamented and inscribed sabre blades in the Early Middle Ages - a fact previously not well known.

The manufacture of inscribed sabres bearing tradesman's marks in Asia and Eastern Europe began not later than in the 10th century. These inscriptions served as either symbols of prestige, protection against supernatural forces or gave the name of the armourer. Ornamentation and inscriptions in this manner indicated the quality of the sabre and its own magical power.

Classification of these decorations and inscriptions has indicated some geographical regions of sabre manufacture. From the 12th century through to the first half of the 13th century these blades арреar to have derived from workshops in Iran and the Caucasus. From there sabres were traded to Bulgaria as fa? as the Volga and then to the more northern lands. Another trade route of oriental sabres was to the Southern Russia steppes where they were used by both nomads and the Russians. The tradition of inscribed sabres continued into the late Middle Ages with the later inscriptions bearing witness to earlier inscriptions and style of decoration.




Л.С. Клейн. Историзм в археологии

L. S. Klein. The historical method in archaeology

It was common practice in this country to carry out any research, especially in social sciences, on the basis of the principle of historicism (the historical method). Strange as it may seem, this principle was not interpreted by archaeology in the same way as it was formulated by Marxist philosophy.

The latter understood it, first of all, as an aim in considering any phenomenon in its development and its correlation with other phenomena. This principle is by no means bad in itself and it exists not only in Marxism.

Meanwhile, in archaeology, some researchers followed the postulates of dialectics, but nobody seriously used them in this respect. In Russian archaeology there has been a struggle for the historicism of archaeology since prerevolutionary times. By this was meant that archaeology should be included in the complex of historical disciplines and be guided by research problems of history. This trend denied the aesthetic or the collection-oriented study of antiquity and archaeology's orientation to natural sciences (anthropology, biology, geography}. The resistance of the both traditions had to be overcome.

In the Soviet period the interpretation of the principle" of historicism in archaeology retained the tendency. It is no mere chance that it began by being formulated as "historicism in archaeology" but not as "the historicism of archaeology". Archaeology was meant to be included into the complex of Historical disciplines and even narrower - only into history, though at the risk of losing the specific character of archaeology (not that this risk was taken seriously into account). Marxist ideologists of the Soviet archaeological establishment considered such statement of the question as a guarantee of the more complete ideologization of archaeology and its more complete subordination to the dogmata of historical materialism.

It would be interesting to notice that it was their interpretation of the historical method that was close to the concept of historicism in scholarship in the West. That had been always considered as "bourgeois" by Soviet philosophers. It formed "historical schools" in different disciplines - historiography, jurisprudence, political economy, the study of folk-lore and ethnography. This historicism is characterized by the consideration of any phenomenon as unique and separate (not in correlation with other phenomena and not in its development). It did not show interest in the laws of development and treated history as a field closed to sociological inquiry.

The scholars who followed this interpretation "escaped", so to say, from sociology to history. This trend made a certain contribution to social research (particularly by criticizing determinism and revealing the limited nature of laws). At present, however, this trend is in crisis.

In the 1970-s the supporters of this interpretation of the principle were especially active in Soviet archaeology. They proved the correctness of such an approach by referring to the fragmentary nature of archaeological objects and sources: those are dead, development can be introduced into them only from without, by including them into history. These scholars pay no attention to the fact that the location and arrangement of the traces and remains of culture show the changeable character of the objects of culture and reproduce their development. We can trace historical development not only in its real dynamics but also in the dynamics fixed in the changes of objects - exactly according to the principle of historicism.


А.Е. Мусин. К вопросу о перспективах изучения русской церковной культуры в российской археологии

A. E. Musin. On the study of Russian church culture within Russian Archaeology

Shall the potter be regarded as the clay; that the thing
made should say of its maker "He did not make me" or the thing
formed say of him who formed it "He has no understanding?"
ISAIAN 29. 16.

The natural interest towards the Russian spiritual heritage and history, caused by the rapid changes in the public situation in Russia and stimulated by the celebration of the Millenium Festival of Baptism of Russia, brings certain challenges to our home science. The tasks of objective historical cognition, could not be satisfied neither by the material approach, nor with the apologetic constructions, made to shape some kind of ideal types of the past. Within the Russian archaeological science, there exists a kind of serious intellectual potential alongside the solid methodological experience to solve such issues. Besides, one more powerful stimulus to prefect your knowledge in this sphere, i.e. - the century old historical traditions, is still being held vacant. We are talking about the old Russian existing branch, called church archaeology. The first grass-roots of church archaeology side with science, called liturgies. This science was engaged in studying the very liturgical rituals, while church archaeology was interested in their material side. This mainstream was developed within the framework of the Russian Orthodox Church, and it could be evaluated as both: theological and liturgical.

The second mainstream may be called historical - fine arts synthesis, and it was promoted from the beginning of 19th century as an exploration of Russian fine art antiquities. This realization had caused the process of creation of the fine art history science. This was dedicated primarily to the survey of monuments of the ancient Russian architecture, icon-painting and applied arts.

We must mention the special period of development of Church archaeology in Russia - the period of Russian Archaeological Congresses (1869-1914). As a result of intercontacts between the representatives of the Church and of secular science emerged there was a mutual synthesis of both mainstreams within one science. This process is related to such famous names as N. V. Pokrovsky (1848-1917), A. P. Golubtsov (1862-1911), N. F. Krasnoseltsev (1845-1899). All these people were the Professors of the Theological Academies of the Russian Orthodox Church correspondingly in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kazan. There were special seats of Church archaeology and liturgies incorporated into the main body of the Academy. The acquaintance with the works of the founder of Church archaeology in Europe G. de-Rossi made a great impact upon the of these authors works. The main feature of this author was the synthesis of manuscripts and material antiquities.

The leaders of Church archaeology combined the features of the traditional theological approach with the interest to material antiquities.

N. V. Pokrovsky was the first in Russian science, to pay attention to the relation between ancient Byzantine Russian Christian fine arts and the teaching of Church and liturgical text. Gradually the scientists moved from the research of fine arts, that is related to the worship, to the research of the Christian culture in general.

However, in spite of the common character of original sources compilation and of methodological basis, Church archaeology was not dissolved within the history of fine arts represented by such names at N. P. Kondakov, F. I. Buslayev, D. V. Ainalov.

The watershed line of scientific thought served the goals of this study. According to Kondakov archaeology was an optional branch of fine arts history, elaborating the general "spade work" for further studies. For example, Kondakov accused de-Rossi just because he, while exploring the Roman Catacombs was ignoring the history of fine arts as an independent science and recognized only the history of Christian martyrs, i.e. Church history, as a science.

N. V. Pokrovsky objected to dealing with Church archaeology as only the Christian fine arts history and considered it to be the study of the Christian mode of life and Christian historical think, i.e. th Christian culture in general.

Church archaeology is a historical discipline, cultivating the soil for history. Its main feature is close relationship to liturgies and Church history. However, the main representatives of Church archaeology did not leave serious methodological elaborations in the field and scope of their studies. Therefore the chronological scientific frame was determined. The question about incorporation of literary sources within the framework of original sources of Church archaeology was still left open. Towards the beginning of the 20th century the comparative-descriptive method, used by Pokrovsky in his works, for example "The Gospel in the relics of iconography", was completely exhausted. There was more and more contradiction between the possibilities of Church archaeology and the solving of its problems.

The only way out of the methodological crisis presupposed more active participation of archaeology in the solution of the problems of Church history.

However, the external circumstances, like the World War, the death of Pokrovsky (1917), the purge of the Church science after the revolution stopped the progressive march of the Church archaeology.

At the same time after the extinction of this science from the official list, the elaborations of its problems did not stop at all. Even with the confinements of the state atheism rule, the questions of Church culture took an important place within the framework of the study of Russian antiquities. In general they were concerned about the archaeology of architecture, applied art and icon-painting questions. With the archaeological scope of studies, almost without any visible scientific or historical tradition, the whole generation of scientists, engaged in the solution of Church archaeological problems, had taken shape and form.

We should mention here the names of Rybakov, Yanin, Sedov, Horoshev, Makarova, Darkevich, Nickolayeva, Chernetsov, Rappoport, Putsko, Yoannisyan, Nedoshivina, Wagner, Panova, Ghrushkova and others. The total lack of independent methodological elaborations as well as the public situation, have not allowed until now, the development of this trend as a separate branch of science with appropriate term.

Now, during the time of enforced elaborations of historiographic problems, the fact of conversion ourselves towards the past experience of the "father" of Church archaeology seems more than natural.

However, the survey of Christian antiquities during the soviet period of our history was carried out within the confinement of the materialistic point of view in science. The real study of Church history, presupposes the precise knowledge of the essential features of Christian culture and church legends. The Atheistic devotion served as a serious obstacle against the deep penetration into the Church tradition, and very often this devotion led many gifted scientists to totally wrong conclusions and interpretations.

We object to seeing Christian Archaeology as only the history of Church architecture, applied art and icon-painting. The source of Church Archaeology can be any artefacts capable to give information about christian culture, christian thought and relation between Christianity and paganism. This artefact can be not obligatory related to church cult and christian symbols. But it is necessary to study both works of art and everyday things in complex.

At present, anybody who studies the Christian culture in Russia, always confronts three important issues. First - the positive solution of the question about the possibility of spiritual culture study based on material artefacts of the past. The problems of cognitive capacities of archaeology have been discussed in Russian science up to date. According to the first opinion archaeology has the same functions as history, i.e. the reconstruction of culture and of sociology or ancient societies. The second approach considers archaeology as an original sources compilation science, giving data received as a result of archaeological elaboration, they could provide historical information on a higher "super-archaeological" level, after its synthesis with other data of sciences.

It is necessary to mention the fact, that the same original sources compilation tendencies existing among the supporters of "pure" archaeology have led finally towards the contraction of its competence, up to limits of material culture history.

They consider that "the material embodiment of spiritual emotional feelings, experienced by human being" - is the only unique fact that must be traced by an archaeologist.

But the material embodiment of spiritual emotional feelings is the integral part of spiritual culture. In our opinion, we can imagine Church archaeology as a part of spiritual culture history, where the term archaeology means "the whole complex of researches related to material objects, which together with other data, could deal with the history and the way of life of ancient in the Eastern Orthodox Area underlie within the symbolic interpretation of the Divine Liturgy alongside with the development of "Icon theology" the doctrine promulgated in 787 A.D. on the Ecumenical Council, as a main dogma of Icon - veneration. But the very term "archaeology" relating to theology, was not used, because the liturgical time was always conceived as an actual process. In order to state a question about the role of antiquity and its study within the church culture, we have to make an adjustment about the liturgical consciousness crisis, which fell on the Restoration and Reformation period in Europe and on Great Dissent (Raskol) period in Russia.

In the middle of 17th century, Patriarch Nikon published his first work on church archaeology in Russia, called "The Holy Table". The public - church requirements in the 18th century led to the new edition compilation, including Commentaries to the Russian Orthodox Church Service. In 1803 archbishop Venyamin's book "New Holy Table" was printed. Besides the Commentaries to the Orthodox Church Liturgy, this book comprised the whole history of development of holy objects used during the worship.

An important step within the historical scientific development was the translation by hierodeacon Irodion Vetrinsky Iosef Bingam's book "Des Originis Ecclesiastical", called - "The Monuments of the ancient Christian Church or Christian Antiquities" (1829-1845). In the middle of the 19th century, there was a notion about Church archaeology in Russia as an auxiliary Theological discipline, for studying The Holy Worship of Russian Orthodox Church, explaining the origin and implication of the objects, used during The Holy Liturgy. This discipline existed side by people, taking into consideration the fact that people of the past formed one church communion, the Church in the wide and original meaning of this word.

To a great extent an employment of archaeological sources was used in the process of studying the history of Christian Church, this process is greatly enhanced by the availability of synchronous literary monuments. Actually, that's true, all the history of the Christian Church proceeded within the context of a literary period. The synchronization of written monuments with the archaeological monuments is not only a problem, but an advantage as well, of a similar kind or researches. Interesting to mention, is the fact that the majority of supporters of "pure" archaeology are either theoretical scientists, or researchers of prehistory societies.

Second - the Church archaeologists have to learn a lesson about original sources compilation and methodological basis, accumulated by Russian archaeology. We are talking about the recognition of priority of material antiquities in the course of investigation and about the incorporation into the rank of original sources of the Church archaeology the massive archaeological material, received in the process of excavations.

We should evaluate the highly artistic literary works together with all the complex of archaeological universum of the given epoch. It is essential to study Christian antiquities in their archaeological context.

We must introduce into practice the concept of church-archaeological complex, as a total sum of artefacts shedding light on the history and culture of Christian society, taking into consideration the fact that behind every archaeological relic stands a certain personality or social group of people.

It is necessary to recall the personality back into archaeology, i.e. we should try to trace the psychological motives of the personality who had retained the artefacts mentioned. The third problem is the process of realizing Russian Church archaeology as an integrated part of the world Christian archaeology. It is necessary to establish contacts with researches of the proper Church archaeology in the study of christian monuments before century as well as contacts with scientists, studying the Middle Ages. church culture, on the basis of material monuments. The study of Russian church culture is impossible without the research with the find of Christian monuments in the Mediterranean Sea and of Europe and with the following research methodology.

We have an impression that the time has come to single out the researches complex, devoted to Christian culture and history into the special branch of Russian archaeology - Church (Christian) Archaeology as an indispensable condition. It is necessary to unite all the scientific efforts in the given branch in the form of organization the following structural unit attached to some archaeological Institute of Russia (the sector of Church /Christian/ archaeology).

In this connection it is necessary to activate Church history study and leterary Church tradition. As a consequence of it, we should join our efforts in a tight contact with representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church. This fact would allow us to comprehend deeper the historical-cultural problem of Christian antiquities.

Within the context of conflict between Russian Orthodox Church and Russian secular museums, it will contribute to achieve the reasonable compromise. The whole process would promote to preserve Russian culture intact and enhance its glory.


В.А. Алекшин. Особенности погребального обряда эпохи мустье (по материалам захоронений Крыма)

V. A. Alekshin. The features of Mousterian burial rite (the materials of Mousterian burials in the Crimea)

Human remains from the Middle Palaeolithic have been found at three Mousterian sites in the Crimea (Kiik-Koba, Staroselje, Zaskalnaja VI).

Layer 6 at Kiik-Koba (fig. 1) contained the bones of the right shin together with two feet and hands of a woman under 35. All the bones except the remains of the hands lay in an anatomical position. The grave containing the bones was damaged by a later pit. All scientists agree that the second pit destroyed most of the burial, leaving only its western part, i.e. the legs bones and the displaced hands bones. In my opinion, such an interpretation faces a number of problems, Firstly, some bones of the destroyed burial should have been left in the filling of the later pit. Secondly, it is a puzzle why there are no bones of the left shin in the undisturbed part of the grave which is superimposed by the cultural layer of the 6th level. Thirdly, the later pit was not dug to the bottom of the grave and hence it could not have destroyed the whole skeleton. These "facts lead me to the conclusion that only part of the body of an adult woman was buried in layer 6 at Kiik-Koba.

Layer 4 at Kiik-Koba contained the intact articulated skeleton of a 5-7 or 6-8 month baby (fig. 2). In the upper level of the rock shelter at Staroselje (fig. 3) an intact articulated skeleton of a one-and-a-half-year-old child was found. Layer 3a of the site Zaskalnaja VI (fig. 4) contained parts of the skeleton of a one-year-old child (bones of the left arm and feet, pelvic bones, thorax bones) and those of a 2-3-year old child (bones of the right leg, the left lemur, thorax-, feet- and hand-bones). Parts of the skeletons of these two children were buried in one grave which was partly destroyed by a later pit. According to geological periodization the Mousterian burial sites of the Crimea are dated in the following way: Kiik-Koba VI (the beginning of the Wurm 1); Kiik-Koba IV, Zaskalnaja VI, Starosalje (Wurm 1).

According to archaeological periodization the earliest burial is that in layer 6 at Kiik-Koba. It is followed by the burials in layer 4 at Kiik-Koba and layer 3a at the site of Zaskalnaja VI. The grave at Staroselje comes at the end of this chronological series.

On the basis of the information available on Mousterian burials, we can draw the following conclusions: 1) the burials are connected with the cultural layers of different industries; 2) the buried individuals are of different anthropological types; 3) bodies were buried at the sites in natural pits or in pits specially dug for this purpose; intact corpses were buried in a flexed position on the side or in an extended position on the back; there is no regularity in their orientation; all the graves are single except the double grave of children (Zaskalnaja VI); 4) localization of the burials in relation to the entrance to the cave varies: in three cases (Kiik-Koba IV, Zaskalnaja VI, Staroselje) the human remains lie along the long axis of the shelter, i.e. perpendicular to the entrance; at Kiik-Koba Vl bones lie parallel to the entrance of the cave. In analogy with the Near East and France, localization of skeletons perpendicular to the entrance of the cave is a chronological indication of the early date of burials. These facts provide support for the early geological age of the Crimean burials; 5) the early burials contained disarticulated skeletons (Kiik-Koba VI, Zaskalnaja VI), the late burials contained articulated skeletons (Кiiк-Koba lV, Staroselje). Here we can speak of the gradual development of the burial rite, partial burials being replaced by burials containing intact articulated skeletons. This fact supports the conclusion drawn by Ullrich (Ullrich 1986). The partial burials of the Crimea have parallels in Israel (Skhul III, VIII); 6) the Mousterian burials of the Crimea differ from later burials by the complete lack of grave goods, red ochre, funeral food, rites after the funeral and the presence of disarticulated skeletons. Mousterian burial rites suggest an individual system of ritual behaviour differing from all subsequent systems, including that of the Upper Palaeolithic.

The magic of Mousterian burial rites can perhaps be compared to that of bear's festivals where the rebirth of a killed animal took place after its flesh had been eaten and the disarticulated bones of its skeleton buried. Some measures had to be taken to prevent a decrease in the population of Mousterian groups: the magic rites which could restore dead relatives to life or could favour the birth of new members of the group to replace the deceased. This seems to be the main meaning of the burials of dismembered corpses in the Mousterian.

The magic of early burial rites "helped" Mousterian groups to survive, prevented their extinction thus favouring stability within the groups of hunters. This hypothesis is supported by more and more finds of human bones from the Mousterian which bear witness to disturbance of the body after interment (Ullrich, Russet, Le Mort, Russel /Le Mort/).


К.В. Каспарова. О времени возникновения зарубинецкой культуры

K. V. Kasparova. On the time of the Zarubintsy Culture origin

The discussion on the time of the Zarubintsy culture origin which has lasted for a long time, has not yet finished.

In the 1960-s Yu. V. Kukharenko, A. K. Ambroz, D. A. Machinsky and other scientists dated the origin of Zarubintsy sites from the 2nd half - the end of the 2nd century B.C. (Kukharenko 1960, 1964; Machinsky 1963, 1966) or the beginning of the 1st century B.C. (Ambros 1966), They based their conclusions on the chronology of fibulae of the Mid-La Tene design according to Ja. Philip and R. Hachmann. In their opinion, the fibulae excavated mainly at cemeteries are developed local versions of their Celtic prototypes. Considering Philip's dates as rather late ones E. V. Maksimov opposed the idea of using them (Maksimov 1969, 1972). The scientist was inclined to establish the origin of the Zarubintsy Culture in the Mid-Dnieper area according to ancient amphorae (excavated only at settlement) among which an early fragment with a stamp dates from 220-230 B.C. The disagreement between the chronology of the cemeteries according to fibulae and that of the settlements according to antique imported articles was explained by the "fibulaeless stage" in the Zarubintsy Culture. A comparable stage in the Upper Dnieper was recognized by A. D. Pobol (1973). However, the scientist did not advance any convincing arguments (Kasparova, Machinsky, Shchukin 1976).

As a result of the studies carried out by many scientists in different European regions new data were obtained allowing archaeologists to establish earlier dates than those provided by Philip and Hachmann's scheme (Benadik 1962; Ludikovsky 1964; Todorovic 1968; Zirra 1971; Hodson 1968; Polenz 1971; etc. ). Z. Wozniak (1970, 1974) introduced amendments into the chronological scheme as a whole. K. Godlowsky (1977) suggested that the beginning of the La Tene circle of cultures (including the Zarubintsy Culture in question) be dated not from the La Tene D (LTD), as R. Hachmann believed (1961), but from the end of the La Tene C1 (LTC1 ) - the beginning of the La Tene C2 (LTC2).

Further study of different archaeological and numismatic materials as well as dendrochronological data allowed the introduction of a number of specifications both of regional and general character (Kruta-Poppi 1975, 1979; Haffer 1974, 1979; Stockli 1979; Polenz 1978, 1982; Cizmar 1975, 1989; Meduna 1980, Bujna 1982; Seyer 1982; Babes 1985; Godlovski 1985; Waldhauser 1987; Dabrowska 1988: Kasparova 1977, 1978, 1981, 1989; Shchukin 1989, 1991a; Eremenko 1990; Shchukin, Eremenko /in print/). This work has resulted in the creation of an almost finished European chronological system, though there remains a number of controversial points. We consider the scheme of Polenz as the most optimum (Polenz 1982). The scheme is based on the data collected and the calculations made by the scientists of the rhythms and the period of the La Tene culture development. The stages most important for this subject were dated as follows: C1 -250/230 - 185/170 B.C.; C2 - 185/170 - 120/105 B.C. For the sites of the Carpathian Depression as well as Czechia stage C1 is divided into C1a and C1b (Bujna 1982; Waldhauser 1987). J. Waldhauser suggests the date "about 200 B.C." as the turn between them (1987. 35). This agrees well with the dendrodate 208 B.C. for burial 96 from Wederath where the fibulae typologically close to the forms C1b come from according to Bujna (Haffner 1979; Abb. 2: 2, 3; Bujna 1982: Abb. 4: 29, 30).

V. E. Eremenko (1990) dates substage C1b from 225-190 B.C. on the basis of the analysis of historical evidence concerning the migration of the Celts, and taking the dendrodate mentioned above into account. In his opinion the beginning of C2 dates from 200/180 B.C. according to the dates of amphora stamps from the settlements of the Poienesti-Lukashevka Culture which are synchronous with the early stage of the Lukashevka cemetery where the fibulae of variant В by Kostrezewsky typical of C2 are represented. This is a moot point if we take account of the fact that fibulae and amphorae have not been found together anywhere.

H. Polenz and A. Haffner (1982, 1979) date the turn between C2 and D1 from 120/105 or 120/116 B.C. Most of the scientists date the end of D1 from 60-40 B.C. (Rieckhoff 1975; Godlowski 1985; Shchukin 1991b). The Late La Tene stage ends with D2 (locally - D3) not simultaneously in different regions; in the Rhine-Danube - region - by 15-12 B.C.; in the north-eastern regions - by 10-20 or 30-40 A.D., followed by the Early Roman period (Godfowski 1977: 18-20, 59-66; Dabrowska 1988: 61, 62; Cizmar 1989; Shchukin 1991b).

When synchronizing the cultures of the Late Pre-Roman period and the La Tine period chronology Hachmann's stage "a" corresponds to LTC1b or the turn between C1 and C2. and the late stage "d" - to LTD2 and to some extent - The Early Roman stage B1 (Godlowski 1985: 13-40; Dabrowska 1988).

The changes in the La Tene period chronology allowed the revision of the early date of the Zarubintsy Culture (Kasparova 1978. 1981). E. V. Maksimov and S. P. Pachkova date the appearance of Mid-La Tine "disjointed" fibulae in Zarubintsy Culture (fig. 2: 1, 9, 10) from the end of the 3rd century B.C. or about the turn of the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C. The authors took account of the earliest dates of some types according to V. Zirra's scheme (1971); however, they did not give any specific comparisons. This date makes it possible to bring the origin of the settlement and cemeteries closer in time (Maksimov 1982: 23. 24: Pachkova 1991).

V. E. Eremenko (1990) distinguishes the early - "pre-Balkan" - stage of the Zarubintsy Culture and synchronized this stage with C1b (225-190 B.C. ). In the burials of that period there are still no "Zarubintsky-type" fibulae with triangular shield on the foot (fig. 3: 15-17, 23-25). Their prototypes - Balkan "spearlike" fibulae (fig. 3: 19-22, 26, 27) - might have been brought by those who took part in the campaigns of the Bastarnae against Illyria not earlier than in 179-168 B.C. (Kasparova 1977, 1978). This I stage in Voronino and Korchevatoye is dated by variant В fibulae (Abezgaus, Eremenko, etc. 1992). However, a fibula, decorated with "figure-of-eight" whorls (fig. 2: 10) is a typologically earlier one, dates from stage III. This disagreement is explained by using of cluster-analysis for studying the cemetery.

Chronological ordering of the fibulae types from these sites casts doubt. References to stage LTC1, as the date of variant В from the Prezeworsk and the Jastorf Cultures are not convincing as the fibulae of this type from the Zarubintsy Culture (fig. 3: 8, 9) do not have the early features according to which some examples of variant A and В from stage A1 of the Prezworsk Culture are dated from LTC1. At this stage fibulae characteristic of LTC2 are the most common (Dabrowska 1988: 16-21, 55, 56, rye. 2). The same situation is observed at. the Luboszyci cemetery where variant В represents stage III synchronous with LTC2 (Domanski 1975: 17-19).

In my opinion, there is no convincing evidence of the existence of the "pre-Balkan" stage in the Zarubintsy Culture according to the materials of Voronovo and Korchevatoye. The age of this stage (225-190 B.C.) does not agree with that of the I stage of the Chaplin cemetery (180-120 B.C.) (Eremenko. Zhuravlev 1992). The fact is that the main chronological indicator in this case is a variant В fibula which is obviously earlier by its typological features than corresponding examples from Voronovo and Korchevatoye (fig. 3: 8. 9; 5: 29). The attempt to link the origin of the Chaplin cemetery with the written data of 145-120 B.C. on the Cimbri and Celto-Schythians seems an interesting hypothesis. However, it is not sufficiently supported by the site chronology.

Touching on the Zarubintsy Culture chronology and the fibulae dates some scientists from our country still adhere to the positions of Philip and Hachmann. Thus, for example, the dates of some types of fibulae suggested by A. M. Oblomsky as well as his synchronization of the beginning of the Late Pre-Rome cultures with LTD provoke objections (Oblomsky 1983).

The early data of Zarubintsy Culture is based on three fibulae: one - with two small balls (Kugelfibeln) and two - with "figure-of-eight" whorls on the arch (fig. 2: 1, 9, 10). Among the parallels from Celtic sites of great importance is a fibula with bails from grave 96 of the Wederath cemetery (fig. 2: 7) dated from 208 B.C. (Haffner 1979) as well as some examples of type 30, stage С according to Bujna (1982).

However, Celtic fibulae differ from Zarubintsy ones as they have a longer foot and a sloping arch - the features characteristic of the LTC1 forms (Todorovic 1972: Таbl. ХII, 7; Vizdal 1976: Abb. 5: 2, 3) (fig. 2: 8). Among the fibulae of the Jastorf Culture the closest parallels are in the Brandenburg and Gubin groups (fig. 2: 3, 5). H. Seyer (1982: 17-19) considers them as the leading forms ("leit-forms") of stage IIb1 (LTC2); in Cammer fibulae with balls belong to the second time group; and in combination with variant В - to the third (Hachmann 1961: 91, Abb. 31). In Luboszyci they have been found with variant A at stage II and with variant В at the next stage (the second half of the 2nd century B. C. ) (Domanski 1975: 15-17; ff., ryc. 2, tabl. XIII. c; XIV, c, k, l; and others). In Naumburg a fibula with balls corresponded to variant С and this complex is dated from LTD1 (Speher 1968; Muller 1985; Abb. 13).

Some fibulae of type II, version 5c of the I stage of the Poienesti-Lukashevka Culture (synchronous with LTC2) are similar to the example from Velemichi I (Babes 1985). Some vessels (fig. 4: 14) also characteristic of the Jastorf Culture groups, have been found in Velemichi together with the same fibula. In the Jastorf Culture these vessels correspond to variant A and D/E. In the Gubin group bowl-shaped vessels with the handle are met at stage III, in the Poienesti-Lukashevka Culture - at stage II. The shape of an urn and the ornament (fig. 4: 15) have parallels in the pottery of the same cultures (Vulpe 1953: Fig. 160, 177, ff.; Babes 1985: 201, 202, fig. 4: l, IIId; Domanski 1975: 37; tabl. VIId, IXg; Seyer 1982: Taf. 13: 2, 23: 27, ff.; Marschalleck 1927: Abb. 10: 9, Taf. 33: 43; and others). The complex of graves from Velemichi (fig. 4: l 1-15), which is unique for the Zarubintsy Culture, as far as the combination of artefacts is concerned, provides not only reliable dates - a period of time synchronous with the beginning of LTC2 - but is also indicative of the cultures components.

I do not know any absolute parallels to fibulae with "figures-of-eight" (fig. 2: 9, 10) in La Tene Culture. Celtic fibulae of this type, as a rule, have twists not on the arch but at the end of the foot. Both these types are synchronous and are dated from C, (Bujna 1982; Zirra 1967; Vizdal 1976). However, Zarubintsy examples with "figures-of-eight" on the arch are closer to those of C2 according to some features (the foot is shorter than the arch, flat fibula profile, etc.) (Polenz 1978: 188, Abb. 5; Dabrowska 1988: 16-21, ff. ). One of these fibulae corresponded to variant В and a bowl of the late type of Zarubintsy vessels (Voronino, grave 25) (fig. 4: 3-10). Several fibulae (fig. 2: 17; 7: 10) are derivatives from the "disjointed" ones, and are typical of C2 by their features. Some of them (fig. 3: 1) resemble Motschwil type or its versions - the main forms of C2

(Hodson 1968; Polenz 1971, 1978: Abb. 5; Marovic 1960; sl. 10: 1, 3; Maric 1968: Taf. VIII. 19; XIII. 36) (fig. 3: 2-7). Related with "disjointed" fibulae are those with triangular end of the foot (of Zarubintsy type). Their hybrids are well known (fig. 2: 17, 19-21). The fact that one of the graves contained a fibula imitating a "disjointed" one and that of the early version of Zarubintsy type suggests their similar age (fig. 2: 6, 18; 7: 10, 11). The early date of Zarubintsy fibulae is based on their origin; they arose from "spear-like" fibulae which must have been brought by the Bastarnae during their Balkan campaigns (179-168 B.C.) when they got in touch with the Scordisci and other local tribes. Many of their graves contained "spear-like" fibulae (Kasparova 1977, 1978). The Bastarnae are certain to have taken part in the development of the Zarubintsy Culture: different elements of the Jastorf Culture in pottery and metal goods are present in all its versions to a certain extent (Kasparova 1981, 1989; Eremenko 1990; Shchukin 1989). The influence of the Bastarnae upon the Jastorf circle of cultures is obvious (Babes 1985; Dabrowska 1988).

The Zarubintsy Culture is most likely to have originated somewhat later than or nearly at the same time as the Poienesti-Lukashevka Culture related to it. The first stages of the cemeteries diagnose Mid-La Tene "disjointed" fibulae as well as early Zarubintsy versions and early examples of the variant В fibulae. According to these chronological indicators the origin of the Polesje and Mid-Dnieper versions of the culture is dated from the early LTC2, most likely after 180-170 B.C. The Upper-Dnieper version arose a bit later but within the same stage of the culture.

The date proposed disagrees with the chronology of settlements in the Mid-Dnieper region as long as we take account of a seal with the inscription ΑΠΟΛΛΑΔΟΣ dated from 230-220 B.C. by B. N. Grakov. No goods of such an early origin have been found at the cemeteries. According to E. V. Maksimov (1982), black-polished pots and bowls with facetted rims as well as rough vessels - "korchagi" - belong to the early period. However, the graves contained these vessels together with the LTC2 fibulae (Kubishev, Sciba 1989: fig. 4: 22, 38; 5: 1, 7, 8). There is also some chronological gap between the Zarubintsy Culture and local Scythian Culture which later date is the early 3rd century B. C. (Kovpanenko, Bessonova, Skoryj 1989). This makes it difficult to accept their genetic relationship - the proposition insisted upon by the Ukrainian scientists (Maksimov 1982: 155). On the other hand, some features of local culture should not be denied. The elements of the Pomeranian-Podkleshowa Culture with the upper date not later than LTB1 (B2?) according to the Dux-type fibulae (Wozniak 1979) are obvious in Polesje burial rite and pottery. Probably it will be no lacuna at all: a fibulae fragment, supposedly of the Mid-La Tene scheme, has been found recently at a Pomeranian settlement. In the Upper Dnieper region the end of the Milogrady Culture is dated from the early 3rd century B.C. according to the finds of caterpillar arm-rings (Eremenko 1990), but this date is a moot point; the other artefacts date from the 2nd - 1st centuries B.C. (Rassadin 1989). According to some similarities in the ornaments on the pottery and in the ritual little contribution of local culture may be safely assumed.

Thus, so far the analysis of relationship between the Zarubintsy Culture has not given reliable data allowing us to establish a more accurate date for the origin of the Zarubintsy Culture.




О.А. Соффер. Организация и финансирование археологии в США

O. Soffer. The organization and financing of archaeology in the United States

There are a number of major conceptual and organizational differences which distinguish American archaeology from its Russian counterpart. First and foremost among these, is that while in the US archaeology is seen as one of the sub-disciplines of anthropology (along with biological anthropology, socio-cultural anthropology, and linguistic anthropology), archaeology in Russia is considered a part of history. The second difference lies in the locus of archaeological research. In Russia, archaeological scholarship is primarily conducted in various institutes affiliated with the Academy of Science. In the United States, on the other hand, while there does exist a National Academy of Science, this organization neither finances nor administers research. In America archaeological research, as is the case for a vast majority of all other research in the humanities, is conducted within college and university settings. The placement of archaeology within institutions of higher learning means that American archaeologists combine their research with teaching, and do so in the departments of anthropology. Data from the Society for American Archaeology (SAA) indicate that 47% of their 5, 000 members work in colleges and universities, 18% in government institutions, another 18% in private firms, and -8% in museums (no data on the place of employment of the remaining 9%).

The next significant difference can be found in the planning of archaeological research. In Russia, archaeologists affiliated with the institutes, universities, and museums, conduct research on planned themes which, while originating from a particular scholar, are discussed, modified, and approved by the whole staff of the institution. After the completion of the theme (- 3 years later), the same group accepts and approves the final results. In the United States, on the other hand, research questions, as well as the locus and duration of research, are individually generated by the scholars themselves, who are solely responsible not only for the completion of this research but also for its financing. American archaeologists are stimulated to do so by individual interests as well as by the "publish or perish" dictum guiding employment and career advancement.

Major differences can also be found in the training of archaeologists. In Russia, graduates from university departments of archaeology are considered young specialists upon the completion of their 5 years of higher education. In America, on the other hand, college or university education in the humanities is not designed to turn out specialists in any given field, and individuals with a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.) or Bachelor of Sciences (B.S.) degree (obtained after 4 years of education), have anthropology only as their major subject (meaning that they have taken 10 - 15 courses in any of its four sub-disciplines). Unlike a diploma from a Russian university, such a degree in the United States does not qualify them for any specific job. Specialization in archaeology in America begins only in graduate school, with professional standing gained upon the receipt of a Masters (M.A. or M.S.) and Doctoral (Ph.D.) degrees. Furthermore, unlike Russia where the universities and institutes are responsible for the job placement of their graduates, obtaining suitable employment in America is seen as a responsibility of the graduates themselves.

While the financing of archaeological research in Russia comes from the institutions employing scholars, American archaeologists finance their scholarship primarily from funding sources outside their places of employment. Although the museums, colleges, and universities employing archaeologists do have some internal funds for research, these funds are finite and used by archaeologists either for small projects or as seed money to develop research proposals for submission to outside funding sources. Because of this, the writing of grant proposals and their submission to appropriate organizations is an important part of professional life of American archaeologists. Training to do so successfully begins in graduate school when doctoral candidates must solicit financial support for their proposed dissertation research. The following organizations are the main funding sources for archaeological research in America: the National Science Foundation (NSF), Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, the L. S. B. Leakey Foundation, and the Committee for Research and Exploration of the National Geographic Society. While NSF, being a part of the national government, provides funds for scholars who are U. S. citizens or permanent residents, the other sources listed, who are private foundations, finance archaeological research of scholars regardless of their citizenship. Funds provided by these organizations are generally allotted for short-term projects (up to a year in duration), and scholars interested in conducting research on larger and more long-term projects must submit sequentially grant proposals for such work sequentially. This stands in sharp contrast to the long term funding generally guaranteed to Russian scholars by their institutions.

Working in one system - the American one, and doing my field research over many years with. colleagues from the other - the Russian and Ukrainian ones, I close by pointing out some advantages and disadvantages of each. In the United States uncertainly in employment and in the financing of one's research are a part of professional life from the days of graduate school on. Teaching jobs with prospects for permanent employment (tenure track) in research universities are few and highly contested. Archaeologists obtaining such jobs spend their first six years (before being granted tenure - permanent employment) combining the development and teaching of new courses with their own research, its funding, and its publication. After tenure (achieving the rank of associate professor), the same process of nearly annual grant proposals continues ad infinitum. Such a system selects for individualism and personal initiative among scholars at the expense of permanent collegial interaction with specialists working on similar problems. It also selects for narrower and more finite research questions and makes multidisciplinary long term projects difficult to initiate and actualize.

The Russian system of secure employment in institutes where numerous scholars do research on similar time periods and regions of the world permits more continuous scholarly interaction. Long-term planning and financing of research allows for more stress-free scholarship. At the same time, such security within the context of planned and group-approved research indirectly fosters average rather than "state of the art" scholarship, conservative rather than innovative methodology, and less than keenly focused research problems which are investigated at a leisurely pace. Furthermore, the institutional separation of research from teaching denies my Russian colleagues an opportunity to routinely interact with young specialists from whom I find myself learning a great deal. In sum, clearly both systems can stand some improvement.


Фан Куанг Шон. Организация археологической науки и проблемы археологических исследований во Вьетнаме

Fan Kuang Shon. The organization of archaeology and the problems of archaeological research in Vietnam

At the present there are three centres dealing with archaeological research in Vietnam: 1) The National Centre for Social Sciences. It includes the Institute of Archaeology in Hanoi - a centre coordinating archaeological research in Vietnam. 2) The Ministry of Culture, Sport and Tourism including the Department of the archives and archaeological sites Preservation where official permits are given to carry on archaeological excavations. 3) The Ministry of Higher and Specialized Secondary Education which superintends Departments of History at the Universities. The Department of Archaeology at the Hanoi University is one of the largest centres of archaeological research in the country.

Interdisciplinary research is developing rather successfully in Vietnamese archaeology. In Ho Chi Minh the first Laboratory of Radiocarbon Dating has been founded recently.

The leading archaeological journal in Vietnam is the journal "Archaeology" published by the Institute of Archaeology in Hanoi. Social Sciences Publishers is engaged in publishing large monographs.

In recent years many provincial departments of culture have started to allow money for research and excavations on the territories of their provinces on the basis of agreements concluded with archaeological institutions.

Vietnamese scientists collaborate with archaeologists from Russia and other countries of Eastern Europe, as well as with scientists from China, India, Japan, Australia, Thailand, the Philippines, France and the USA. Many foreign scientists are taking part in joint excavations in Vietnam. Vietnamese archaeologists continue the study of traditional archaeological cultures (Shonvi, Haobin', Buckshon, Halong, Kuin'van, Dongshon, Shaquin, Dongnai, Okeo). The study of the monuments of ancient states Chiampa and Funana is being carried on.

Vietnamese scientists pay sufficient attention to the study of interaction between archaeological cultures, the problems of their origin, the mechanisms of preservation of traditions and passing of innovations from generation to generation, and the mechanisms of transformation of archaeological cultures.

Vietnamese archaeology has made great progress and achieved significant results allowing it to advance towards the level of modern world archaeology.


Н.Н. Негматов. Хисорский историко-культурный заповедник в Таджикистане

N. N. Negmatov. The Hisar historico-cultural park in Tajik republik

The Hisar historic-cultural park situated 20 kilometres to the south-west of Dyushanbe is the only open-air Central Asian museum. It is devoted to the ancient town of Hisar and its architectural monuments.

The park was founded in 1982 in accordance with a resolution of the Tajik government. The first stage envisages the restoration of the town and the foundation of museums based on the established complex of buildings in Hisar ancient town centre.

There is a large fortress with a citadel in Hisar. It dates as far as from the first millenium B. C. Two medressehs are situated to the south of the fortress: the Kuhna (16th-17th centuries) and the Nav (17th-18th centuries). The mausoleum Mahdumi Azam built in the 11th and rebuilt in the 12th and 13th centuries stands nearly. There was a mosque called Maschidi Sangin (11th-12th centuries) with an arched gallery dating from the 15th- 16th centuries in the medieval town.

In the Mahdumi Azam mausoleum a museum on the history of Islam is planned, in the Maschidi Sangin mosque there is to be a museum about the Hisar enlighteners who left a great literary. In the Kuhna medresseh work on the foundation of the museum of popular culture has been started. It has been decided to make the Nav medresseh into a museum of the classical ere in the Orient. It has been suggested that the caravanserai Khishtin be completely restored and a museum of folk handicraft be founded in it. A museum of archaeology is starting to be built in the Darvozakhon fortress. At present the idea of the construction of an international fair centre in cooperation with some foreign firms is being seriously considered.


Е.А. Смагулов. Институт археологии в Казахстане: перспективы международного сотрудничества

E. A. Smagulov. Institute of Archaeology of Kazakhstan: perspectives of the international collaboration

The Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Kazakhstan was founded in autumn 1991.

It was based on the Archaeological Center, which was a division of the Ch. Ch. Valikhanov Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Republic Academy of Sciences. The name of an outstanding pioneer of Kazakhstan archaeology, Academician Alekei Margulan was given to the Institute of Archaeology.

Archaeologists at the Institute are working on a number of fundamental themes and projects on the Ancient and Middle Age history of the culture of the peoples inhabiting this vast territory in the center of the Eurasian continent.

Themes such as "Nomads of Ancient Kazakhstan: Historical and Cultural Aspects of the Problem", and "The Material and Spiritual Culture of the Nomads of Kazakhstan in the Middle Ages" are examples of the development of traditional trends in the Archaeology of Kazakhstan.

Our Institute has started working on an 8 volume work, 'The Archaeology of Kazakhstan". This fundamental work will be the first of its kind ever written, and is the result of many years of research on Ancient and Middle Age culture on the territory of the republic.

Also archaeologists of Kazakhstan, those from the Institute as well as from the regional centres, are working on a 10 volume work, "A Record of the Historical and Cultural Monuments of Kazakhstan". Several volumes on the region along the Great Silk Route are ready for publication.

The project, "The Great Silk Route: Interaction of Nomadic and Sedentary Culture" also deals with the traditional trend in research, but at present is being approached differently, taking into account the interaction of cultures, and their origin and development in the system of transcontinental relations between the West and East, North and South.

The Institute of Archaeology is the certified and coordinating center for scientific and research work carried out on the territory of the Republic. The richness and diversity of the monuments, the unique geopolitical location of the vast territory, and the current stability of the internal political situation attract different scientific centres and some researchers from different republics as well as from abroad, to the antiquities of Kazakhstan.

Their interest could be met by bilateral contracts on scientific cooperation. We have such contracts with the Moscow Institute of Archaeology, The Institute of History of Material Culture in St. Petersburg and related organizations from Siberia, the Urals and Soviet Central Asia. We have already signed Protocols of intent with our colleagues from South Korea, China and Denmark. We gain valuable experience thanks to the contracts in force with the National Research Center of France (Paris) and "The Kazakh-American Research Project" (Berkeley, Ca, USA).

Another example of integration with world science is our participation in the UNESCO project "The Great Silk Route is the Road of Dialogue". In the summer of 1991, during the international expedition through the republics of Soviet Central Asia and Kazakhstan, "Steppe Route-91" archaeologists of this region came up with the idea of organizing the International Institute of History of Cultural Heritage of the Peoples of Central Asia.

The scientific council of the Institute of Archaeology of Kazakhstan supported this idea, pointing out that it would accelerate the entrance of the different schools and archaeological collectives of Central Asia and Kazakhstan into the world scientific community.